what are two factors that are used to distinguish between different types of social movements?

Learning Outcomes

• Distinguish between different types of social movements
• Describe and utilise the four stages of social movements

Types of Social Movements

Nosotros know that social movements can occur on the local, national, or even global phase. Are at that place other patterns or classifications that can assist us empathize them? Sociologist David Aberle (1966) addresses this question by developing categories that distinguish among social movements by considering 1) what it is the movement wants to change and 2) how much modify they want. He described 4 types of social movements, including: alternative, redemptive, reformative, and revolutionary social movements.

• Alternative movements are typically focused on self-comeback and limited, specific changes to individual beliefs and beliefs. These include things like Alcoholics Anonymous, Mothers Confronting Boozer Driving (MADD), and Planned Parenthood.
• Redemptive movements  (sometimes called religions movements) are "meaning seeking," are focused on a specific segment of the population, and their goal is to provoke inner change or spiritual growth in individuals. Some sects fit in this category.
• Reformative social movements seek to change something specific about the social structure. They may seek a more limited change, but are targeted at the unabridged population. Environmental movements, the women's suffrage motion, or the more contemporary "Buy Cypher 24-hour interval", which protests the rampant consumerism of Black Friday, are examples of reformative movements.
• Revolutionary movements seek to completely change every aspect of order—their goal is to change all of society in a dramatic way. Examples include the Ceremonious Rights Movement or the political movements, such as a push button for communism.

  

  Figure 1. David Aberle identified these four types of social movements, with some types of movements targeting either specific individuals or everyone, while some want limited changes, and others are more radical.

Other helpful categories that are helpful for sociologists to describe and distinguish between types of social movements include:

• Scope: A motility can be either reform or radical. A reform movement advocates irresolute some norms or laws while a radical motility is defended to changing value systems in some fundamental way. A reform movement might be a green motility advocating a sect of ecological laws, or a motility against pornography, while the American Civil Rights movement is an instance of a radical movement.
• Type of Alter: A movement might seek alter that is either innovative or conservative. An innovative movement wants to innovate or change norms and values, like moving towards cocky-driving cars, while a conservative motility seeks to preserve existing norms and values, such as a group opposed to genetically modified foods.
• Targets: Grouping-focused movements focus on influencing groups or club in full general; for case, attempting to alter the political organisation from a monarchy to a democracy. An individual-focused move seeks to touch individuals.
• Methods of Piece of work: Peaceful movements utilize techniques such equally nonviolent resistance and civil disobedience. Trigger-happy movements resort to violence when seeking social alter. In extreme cases, violent movements may take the form of paramilitary or terrorist organizations.
• Range: Global movements, such as communism in the early 20^th century, take transnational objectives. Local movements are focused on local or regional objectives such as preserving anhistoric edifice or protecting a natural habitat.

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Stages of Social Movements

Sociologists have studied the lifecycle of social movements—how they emerge, grow, and in some cases, die out. Blumer (1969) and Tilly (1978) outlined a four-stage process through which social movements develop.

1. In the preliminary stage, people go aware of an issue, and leaders emerge.
2. This is followed past the coalescence phase when people join together and organize in guild to publicize the issue and heighten awareness.
3. In the institutionalization stage, the move no longer requires grassroots volunteerism: it is an established organization, typically with a paid staff.
4. When people fall away and adopt a new move, the movement successfully brings about the change information technology sought, or when people no longer have the event seriously, the motility falls into the decline stage.
   

Effigy ii. Equally social movements grow, they typically get increasingly organized and bureacratized, add members, which either leads to success or failure equally a movement.

Social Move Stages, Media, and Black Lives Affair

As we have mentioned throughout this text, and probable as you accept experienced in your life, social media is a widely used mechanism in social movements. Earlier in the course, nosotros discussed Tarana Burke outset using "Me Too" in 2006 on a major social media venue of the time (MySpace). The phrase afterwards grew into a massive movement when people began using it on Twitter to drive empathy and support regarding experiences of sexual harassment or sexual set on. In a similar way, Black Lives Matter began as a social media message after George Zimmerman was acquitted in the shooting death of 17-yr-old Trayvon Martin, and the phrase burgeoned into a formalized (though decentralized) move in subsequent years.

Social media has the potential to dramatically transform how people go involved in movements ranging from local school district decisions to presidential campaigns. As discussed above, movements get through several stages, and social media adds a dynamic to each of them. In thepreliminary stage, people get aware of an issue, and leaders emerge. Compared to movements of 20 or 30 years ago, social media can accelerate this phase substantially. Issue awareness tin spread at the speed of a click, with thousands of people across the globe condign informed at the same time. In a similar vein, those who are savvy and engaged with social media may emerge as leaders, fifty-fifty if, for instance, they are not great public speakers.

At the next phase, thecoalescence phase, social media is also transformative. Coalescence is the signal when people join together to publicize the issue and become organized. President Obama's 2008 campaign was a case study in organizing through social media. Using Twitter and other online tools, the campaign engaged volunteers who had typically non bothered with politics. Combined with comprehensive data tracking and the ability to micro-target, the entrada became a pattern for others to build on. The 2020 elections featured a level of data assay and rapid response capabilities that, while echoing the Obama campaign's early work, made the 2008 campaign wait quaint. The campaigns and political analysts could measure the level of social media interaction post-obit any campaign cease, debate, statement by the candidate, news mention, or any other event, and measure whether the tone or "sentiment" was positive or negative. Political polls are still important, but social media provides instant feedback and opportunities for campaigns to act, react, or—on a daily basis—inquire for donations based on something that had occurred only hours earlier (Cognition at Wharton 2020).

Interestingly, social media can accept interesting outcomes once a movement reaches theinstitutionalization stage. In some cases, a formal organisation might exist alongside the hashtag or full general sentiment, every bit is the case with Black Lives Thing. At any one fourth dimension, BLM is substantially three things: a structured organization, an idea with deep and personal meaning for people, and a widely used phrase or hashtag. It'south possible that users of the hashtag are not referring to the formal system. It's fifty-fifty possible that people who hold a strong belief that Black lives matter practise not agree with all of the organization'due south principles or its leadership. And in other cases, people may be very aligned with all three contexts of the phrase. Social media is however crucial to the social movement, merely its interplay is both circuitous and evolving.

In a similar way, MeToo activists, including Tarana Burke herself, accept sought to clarify the interweaving of dissimilar aspects of the move. She told the Harvard Gazette in 2020:

I think we accept to be conscientious most what we're calling the motility. And I think one of the things I've learned in the final two years is that folks don't actually understand what a movement is or how it'due south divers. The people using the hashtag on the net were the impetus for Me Too existence put into the public sphere. The media coverage of the viralness of Me Too and the people being defendant are media coverage of a popular story that derived from the hashtag. The move is the piece of work that our organization and others like the states are doing to both support survivors and move people to action (Walsh 2020).

Sociologists have identified high-gamble activism, such as the civil rights movement, equally a "strong-necktie" phenomenon, pregnant that people are far more likely to stay engaged and not run home to safety if they have close friends who are too engaged. The people who dropped out of the movement—who went home after the danger became too bully—did not display any less ideological commitment. But they lacked the strong-tie connection to other people who were staying. Social media had been considered "weak-tie" (McAdam 1993 and Brown 2011). People follow or friend people they accept never met. Weak ties are important for our social structure, but they seemed to limit the level of risk we'll accept on their behalf. For some people, social media remains that way, but for others it can relate to or build stronger ties. For example, if people, who had for years known each other only through an online group, meet in person at an result, they may feel far more continued at that event and afterward than people who had never interacted earlier. And equally we discussed in the Groups chapter, social media itself, even if people never meet, can bring people into master grouping condition, forming stronger ties.

Another style to consider the impact of social media on activism is through something that may or may not be emotional, has petty implications regarding necktie strength, and may be fleeting rather than permanent, just still exist one of the largest considerations of whatsoever formal social move: money. Returning to politics, call back of the massive amounts of campaign money raised in each election cycle through social media. In the 2020 Presidential ballot and its backwash, hundreds of millions of dollars were raised through social media. Besides, 55 percent of people who engage with nonprofits through social media take some sort of activeness; and for 60 percent of them (or 33 percent of the full) that action is to requite money to support the crusade (Nonprofit Source 2020).

Link to Learning: Black Lives Matter

Spotter this video "BLM 5th Anniversary Trailer" as it explains the initial stages and goals of the Black Lives Thing move.

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Occupy Wall Street

Possibly the social movement that ran the most reverse to theory in recent history is Occupy Wall Street (OWS). Although information technology contains many of the classic developmental elements of a social move described in this module, it is set apart by its lack of a single message, its leaderless organization, and its target—fiscal institutions instead of the government. OWS baffled much of the public, and certainly the mainstream media, leading many to ask, "Who are they, and what do they desire?"

Watch It: Occupy Wall Street

On July 13, 2011, the arrangement Adbusters posted on its web log, "Are you set for a Tahrir moment? On September 17th, flood into lower Manhattan, set up tents, kitchens, peaceful barricades and occupy Wall Street" (Castells 2012). The "Tahrir moment" was a reference to the 2010 political uprising that began in Tunisia and spread throughout the Middle Eastward and North Africa, including Egypt's Tahrir Square in Cairo. Although OWS was a reaction to the continuing financial chaos that resulted from the 2008 market meltdown and non a political movement, the Arab Spring was its goad.

Manuel Castells (2012) notes that the years leading up to the Occupy movement had witnessed a boundless increment in the disparity of wealth in the United states of america, stemming back to the 1980s. The top ane pct in the nation had secured 58 pct of the economical growth in the period for themselves, while real hourly wages for the average worker had increased by only 2 per centum. The wealth of the top 5 percentage had increased by 42 pct. The average pay of a CEO was now 350 times that of the boilerplate worker, compared to less than l times in 1983 (AFL-CIO 2014). The land'due south leading financial institutions were, to many, clearly to blame for the crisis but dubbed "likewise big to fail." These big banks were in trouble afterward many poorly qualified borrowers defaulted on their mortgage loans when the loans' involvement rates rose. The banks were somewhen "bailed out" past the government with over $700 billion of taxpayer money. According to many reports, that same yr, height executives and traders received large bonuses.

On September 17, 2011, an anniversary of the signing of the U.S. Constitution, the occupation began. One thousand outraged protestors descended upon Wall Street, and upward to 20,000 people moved into Zuccotti Park, simply two blocks away, where they began building a village of tents and organizing a system of communication. The protest soon began spreading throughout the nation, and its members started calling themselves "the 99 percentage." More than a thousand cities and towns had Occupy demonstrations.

This video gives an idea of the protest—what it looked similar, and how information technology played out.

In answer to the question "Who are they?" Castells noted ". . . by and large the motility was made upwards of a large majority of democratic voters, every bit well as of politically contained minded people who were in search of new forms of changing the world . . . " (Castells 2012). What do they want? Castells has dubbed OWS "A not-demand movement: The process is the message." Using Facebook, Twitter, Tumblr, and live-stream video, the protesters conveyed a multifold bulletin with a long listing of reforms and social change, including the need to address the ascension disparity of wealth, the influence of money on election outcomes, the notion of "corporate personhood," a corporatized political system (to exist replaced by "direct republic"), political favoring of the rich, and rising student debt. Regardless, some in the media appeared confused most the protestors' intentions, and articles carried titles like, "The Wall Street Protesters: What the Hell Do They Desire?" (Gell 2011) from The New York Observer, and person-in-the-street quotations like, "I remember they're idiots. They have no agenda . . . " from the Los Angeles Times (Le Tellier 2012).

The late James C. Davies suggested in his 1962 paper, "Toward a Theory of Revolution" (from the American Sociological Review, Vol, 27 Consequence 1) that revolution depends upon the mood of the people, and that it is extremely unlikely those in extreme poverty will be able to overturn a government, just because the regime has infinitely more power. Instead, a revolution is more possible when expected need satisfaction and actual need satisfaction are out of sync. As actual need satisfaction trends downward and abroad from what a formerly prosperous people accept come to expect—tracing a curve that looks somewhat like an upside-down J and is called the Davies-J curve—the gap betwixt expectations and reality widens. Eventually, an intolerable point is reached, and revolution occurs. Thus, change comes not from the very bottom of the social hierarchy, merely from somewhere in the centre. Indeed, the Arab Spring was driven past mostly young people whose teaching had offered promise and expectations that were thwarted past corrupt autocratic governments. Occupy Wall Street too came not from the bottom but from people in the middle, who exploited the ability of social media to enhance advice.

Think It Over

• Do you think social media is an important tool in creating social alter? Why, or why not? Defend your stance.
• Describe a social motility in the reject stage. What is its issue? Why has it reached this stage?

glossary

alternative movements:

social movements that limit themselves to self-improvement changes in individuals

reform movements:

movements that seek to modify something specific nigh the social structure

religious/redemptive movements:

movements that work to promote inner change or spiritual growth in individuals

revolutionary movements:

movements that seek to completely change every aspect of guild

social move organization:

a unmarried social movement group

social motility sector:

the multiple social movement industries in a society, fifty-fifty if they have widely varying constituents and goals

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